En los medios
Negotiating with terrorists: diplomacy triumphs in Colombia’s peace process
The diplomacy and transparency with which these negotiations were conducted merits the respect of Colombian society and international observers. Colombia is entering an era of pain and sacrifice. It’s making a big wager: that hope is greater than death, and that even an imperfect peace trumps perpetual war.
On September 26 2016, the Colombian government and the FARC guerrilla fighters put an end to half a century of confrontation, violence, and death, by signing a six-point peace agenda that was negotiated over nearly two years.
The
agreement, which will be put to voters in a plebiscite on October 2, is an
opportunity to forge a new reality for Colombia’s war-wearied citizens.
Challenges
ahead
The
finalisation August 24 of the accords and their September 26 signing were not
the end of the process for Colombia. The road to peace is long.
First, the
country must vote to ratify the agreements on October 2, a simple “si” or “no”
vote. The government and numerous civil society organisations such as
Dejusticia, the Colombian Jurists Commission, and the Washington Office on
Latin America have mobilised to increase public support for the agreements, and
the polling is trending in that direction, but ratification is not assured.
In the
immediate term, Colombians must accept transitional, restorative justice.
Reconciliation is not easy; it doesn’t depend on logic or convincing other
people that you’re right, but on emotions – often very private ones. Grief for
the dead will almost always overwhelm rationality.
The FARC’s
laying down of arms is only the beginning: its members, who have largely been
isolated in rural and jungle settings in a Marxist society of their own making,
must learn to live civic life and insert themselves gradually into the
political and urban day-to-day rhythm of modern Colombia.
On the
other side of the conflict are Colombia’s armed forces. They have battled the
FARC for decades and they, too, must be deactivated, a no less complicated
proposition. Their autonomy and centrality will decrease, and the possibility
of criminal sanctions for abuses and repression hang above their heads.
The
effectiveness of two key restorative justice bodies – the Commission for
Clarifying Truth, Community, and Non-Repetition; and the Special Jurisdiction
for Peace – also remain to be seen. The successful implementation of the
accords and the permanence of a total guerrilla ceasefire will present
significant challenges.
A model
negotiation
Colombia’s
negotiation, driven by President Juan Manuel Santos, is a model for conflict
resolution at the global level.
First, Santos brought in respected mediators who had global credibility, including Dag Nylander of Norway. The talks were held in Cuba, a country that prides itself on political independence, with Chile and Venezuela observing.
Crucially,
for the first time in the history of such peace discussions, victims had a seat
at the negotiating table.
Each party
had advisers who weren’t part of their group, and national citizen forums were
held in different places, from the National University of Colombia or in
churches, in events where victims could voice their feelings and ideas.
Finally,
and crucially, Colombia has opted for restorative justice, not retaliation. The
signed agreement proposes community service as a way to atone for damages done,
rather than just throwing perpetrators of crimes in jail. This decision
demonstrates the intent of both sides to reintegrate their armed combatants
into society. Unlike other famous peace negotiations in the region – for
example Salvador, where the United Nations played a key role in defining the
conditions for peace – no external criteria were imposed.
The accords
also include provisions for collective rights for Afro-Colombians, drug policy
reforms and sustainable rural development.
Echoes across
the continent
Colombia’s
pending peace has great significance for the whole continent. The process is a
rebuttal to the repressive military solution other South American nations (and
Colombia itself) have historically launched to fight insurgencies or organised
crime, for example in Peru, Mexico and Brazil.
The high
level of regional support for the peace process was demonstrated by the
presence of multiple Latin American leaders at the recent signing.
Colombia is
demonstrating to Latin America – and to the world – that social and economic
inequities cannot be resolved through violence, and that ideological
differences are not a barrier to political negotiation.
A global
effort
Colombia
has dared to undertake that incredibly risky act: negotiating with terrorists.
Throughout the peace talks, the Colombian government used creative diplomacy in
pursuit of an agreement. Colombia secured regional and international buy-in,
but still manage to maintain its own authority in the process, despite
significant domestic partisan divide on the issue.
The United
Nations, UNASUR (a regional governance body), international NGOs, and civil
society associations such as the Latin American Continental and Caribbean
Students and the Democratic Federation of Women will all help monitor and
implement the accords.
This
solidarity isn’t just about countries in the region showing support for a
neighbour. Rather, it means concrete assistance with the implementation of the
accords and with handling the daily tensions that can and will arise along the
way.
The
diplomacy and transparency with which these negotiations were conducted merits
the respect of Colombian society and international observers. Colombia is
entering an era of pain and sacrifice. It’s making a big wager: that hope is
greater than death, and that even an imperfect peace trumps perpetual war.
Conocé nuestros programas
Nuestra oferta académica está diseñada para formar profesionales capaces de liderar en ámbitos académicos, políticos y sociales.
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Nuestro cuerpo docente se distingue por su rigurosa formación doctoral en las universidades más prestigiosas del mundo. Su alta dedicación y su conocimiento y experiencia internacional los habilitan para desempeñarse exitosamente en distintos ámbitos y proveer a los/as estudiantes de una sólida formación multidisciplinaria.
en Argentina para dictar
clases de grado y posgrado.
Fuente: Ranking Teaching, Research and International Policy (TRIP) International Relations Survey, 2014.
La Di Tella está entre las 150 mejores universidades del mundo en el área de Ciencia Política.
(Fuente: QS World University Rankings 2023)
Conocé a nuestro cuerpo docente
Jennifer Cyr
Ph.D. in Political Science, Northwestern University.
Sebastián Etchemendy
Ph.D. in Political Science, University of California at Berkeley.
Enrique Peruzzotti
Ph.D. in Sociology, New School for Social Research.
Catalina Smulovitz
Ph.D. in Political Science, The Pennsylvania State University.
Hayley Stevenson
Ph.D. in International Relations, University of Adelaide.
Juan Carlos Torre
Docteur en Sociologie, École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales.
Novedades
Cátedras y centros de investigación
Un espacio académico para el análisis, conocimiento y difusión del país de manera integral. Tiene el propósito de establecer un ámbito plural desde el cual enriquecer el diálogo entre Argentina y Colombia.
Una iniciativa conjunta de la Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, la Embajada de Francia en Argentina y el Instituto Franco Argentino que tiene por objetivo promover el intercambio académico y el diálogo.
El proyecto "Tiempo de cambios y el nuevo rol de las fuerzas armadas en Cuba" busca informar a actores que sean disidentes y críticos de las fuerzas armadas revolucionarias de Cuba (FAR) de dos maneras diferentes.
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